We present the position of the Zentrale group regarding the planned transposition of the Platform Work Directive into the Polish legal system. The Ministry of Family, Labour and Social Policy has published a draft “Act on Performing Work via Digital Labour Platforms,” \u200b\u200bwhich is intended to be the cornerstone of this implementation. We are not labour law experts, so our position may have shortcomings. We also acknowledge that this is merely a draft, which could change completely during parliamentary debate. Ultimately, it could even be rejected by the President.
\nWe believe that the scale of exploitation on these platforms is immense and widespread. It is high time for the authorities to finally take action.<\/p>\n
#zentrale_dyrektywa<\/p>\n
GENERAL INFORMATION ABOUT THE DIRECTIVE:<\/strong> PLATFORM WORK AS PART OF SOCIAL LIFE.<\/strong> ECONOMIC SCALE OF THE PLATFORM MARKET<\/strong> POSSIBLE SCENARIOS FOR IMPLEMENTING THE DPP<\/strong> KEY ISSUES ADDRESSED IN THE DPP (analysis of its main premises)<\/strong> GENERAL CRITICISM OF THE DIRECTIVE CONCEPT ITSELF<\/strong> re 2. re 3. re 4. CRITIQUE OF THE POLISH IMPLEMENTATION OF THE DPP<\/strong> THE FUTURE POST-IMPLEMENTATION:<\/strong> SUMMARY<\/strong> WHAT\u2019S NEXT? <\/strong>
\nThe legal act discussed here is known as the Platform Work Directive, though its official title is Directive (EU) 2024\/2831 of the European Parliament and of the Council of 23 October 2024 on improving working conditions in platform work. As the full text was published on 1 December 2024 and each EU country has exactly two years to implement it, it is set to become part of the Polish legal system by 2 December 2026.
\nWork on the Directive began as early as 2021; at a very early stage, the Zentrale group was invited to participate in open consultations regarding its content.
\nWe recognize that the adopted text of the PWD represents a compromise between the competing interests of various political and capital groups from different countries. It is also universal in scope, applying to everyone working for platforms\u2014not just those involved in delivery or passenger transport services. However, given the nature of our own activities, our critique is framed from the perspective of individuals working as delivery personnel for platforms.<\/p>\n
\nCurrently, so-called “platform work” consists of very simple tasks that do not require specialized education; precisely for this reason, platforms easily capture this segment of the labor market. The tasks are so simple that, in principle, neither formal education nor training is required. Consequently, such work is usually very low-paid, regardless of whether it is performed through a platform or independently. However, it is precisely these platforms that\u2014by testing the limits of the labor market’s endurance\u2014drive wage levels well below the minimum wage. Consequently, the people who opt to participate in this modern form of exploitation (worldwide) are generally the most desperate social groups or individuals who view the work as merely a stopgap measure from the start. Yet, this is changing. Having saturated the sectors involving the simplest tasks, platforms are now entering new, more complex sectors\u2014though still only the lowest-paid ones (e.g., hospital nursing or cleaning services). High levels of exploitation are evidenced by constant worker turnover. However, because this turnover persists, platforms essentially enjoy a steady supply of new workers, allowing their operations to continue without interruption.<\/p>\n
\n(BASED ON DELIVERY PLATFORMS ONLY)
\nUBER \u2013 2025 revenue of approx. PLN 205 billion \u2013 equivalent to Poland\u2019s entire annual military budget (PLN 200 billion).
\nDelivery Hero (Glovo) \u2013 PLN 63 billion \u2013 equivalent to annual spending on the “800+” social benefit program (PLN 62 billion).
\nJust Eat Takeaway (Pyszne.pl) \u2013 PLN 21.9 billion \u2013 equivalent to the annual cost of indexing all retirement and disability pensions (PLN 22 billion).
\nA common feature shared by all the aforementioned platforms is their failure to report a profit. Despite Uber having operated for over 15 years and maintaining a massive scale of operations, it still does not show a profit (and therefore pays no taxes). Thus, their operations are not only detrimental to the labor market but also harmful to the economies and national budgets of the countries where they operate (we discuss this further in our other publications).<\/p>\n
\nThe content of the DPP is so general that it allows for considerable latitude in interpretation during transposition into national legal systems. In our assessment, the result will be that implementation could be highly pro-worker in some countries while maintaining the status quo in others\u2014all within the same European Union. How it is implemented in Poland is entirely a political decision made by those in power.<\/p>\n
\n1. Employment status: The Directive introduces a presumption of an employment relationship. If the relationship between the platform and the worker exhibits elements of direction and control (e.g., the platform determines remuneration, supervises work, or influences task organization), the agreement between them is deemed to constitute an employment relationship. The DPP reverses the burden of proof\u2014it is the platform, not the worker, that must prove it is not an employer.
\n2. Algorithmic Regulation: A defining feature of platform work is the use of an algorithm (a computer program) to manage work. Algorithms play a dominant role in platform operations; in some cases, the algorithm makes over 90% of decisions entirely on its own. The proposed Directive (DPP) requires platforms to disclose the content of their algorithms. Workers must be informed about how automated monitoring and decision-making systems operate (e.g., regarding task allocation, pay determination, or account suspension). Additionally, the DPP stipulates that key decisions must be made by humans.
\n3. Personal Data Protection: Under the DPP, it will be more difficult for platforms to collect worker data due to the economic dependency involved. It prohibits the processing of certain particularly sensitive data (e.g., emotional state, private conversations, or worker location data outside of working hours).
\n4. Strengthening the role of workers and public authorities in relations with platforms. The DPP allows for the imposition of reporting obligations on platforms regarding their activities to the relevant supervisory bodies. It also mandates that platforms facilitate free communication among the individuals working for them.<\/p>\n
\nregarding the points mentioned above.
\nre 1.
\nThe DPP grants governments significant leeway in interpreting its provisions. Each government will make a political decision regarding the definition of “direction and control” over the work and the worker. Some countries list specific criteria that, if met, classify an individual as an employee (e.g., setting working hours, performance evaluation, determining remuneration). Others will establish a different set of criteria. It is their political decision that will determine whether the criteria are easy or very difficult to meet. Our observations indicate that some countries leave even these issues for the courts to resolve. Others employ a mixed system: they set certain criteria, but leave detailed decisions to the courts. Consequently, such implementations will change nothing. A lawsuit filed against a platform by a worker who intended from the start to work for only a month or two will never happen. Furthermore, we believe that no worker earning less than the minimum wage would choose to launch a legal battle against a platform with billions in revenue. Obtaining support from trade unions is also unlikely. Currently, no trade union confederation has a section specializing in platform work, and the only group active in the Polish delivery sector\u2014the OPZZ Konfederacja Pracy branch at Pyszne.pl\u2014has effectively disintegrated.<\/p>\n
\nProponents of “algorithmic transparency” overestimate the importance of this aspect. It is widely believed that understanding the algorithm’s operating mechanism allows one to avoid exploitation. In our view, this is a dangerous myth that distracts from the true essence of work: earnings. Here are a few of our arguments:
\n– An algorithm is a massive, constantly evolving computer program. The DPP does not specify how or how often the algorithm’s code should be disclosed. Should it be a printout? A spreadsheet? Raw code sent via email? These questions may seem trivial, but they are absolutely crucial, as the form of disclosure determines whether a reliable analysis is even possible. Merely organizing the provided data can consume vast resources.
\n– As mentioned above, the algorithm is constantly being refined and altered\u2014changing from day to day, or even hour to hour. What is the point of knowing yesterday’s code when today’s is different?
\n– Who is actually going to analyze the code? It requires a team of IT specialists. Are trade unions supposed to foot the bill? Especially unions that do not even exist in this sector?
\n– And perhaps most importantly: if we do analyze the algorithm, what does the worker gain from it? For instance, suppose we reveal that the algorithm adds an extra 12% to a novice courier’s pay to incentivize them. How does this knowledge change things for the workers? What are they supposed to do with it?
\nThe DPP stipulates that “key decisions must be made by a human.” But which decisions should be considered key to daily work? This is crucial, as it is precisely what the platforms will undoubtedly use in the event of legal disputes. Another point: what does “human intervention” actually mean in practice? Is it enough for an algorithm to select a worker for dismissal and for a human simply to click “approve”? Or is the human required to thoroughly review the justification and hear out the arguments of the worker facing dismissal? Let us remember: the so-called “support” staff for delivery platforms are simply call-center workers subject to the same algorithmic pressure. They are never specialized personnel. So, will exploited platform workers be subject to review by stressed, overworked call-center staff?<\/p>\n
\nThe general concept of privacy protection is very sound. Platforms genuinely violate workers’ privacy on a massive and continuous scale. These are not isolated incidents, as platform representatives claim; numerous analyses prove this. The apps used by platforms can even record workers’ phone calls outside of working hours! There is also evidence that workers’ movements are tracked even on days when they are not working. All this information can be used to further algorithmize earnings. However, as with the previous point: what is the use of enhanced personal data protection if there is no standard for how the collected data is shared? Some platforms provide it in the form of electronic spreadsheets, while others provide multi-page PDF scans. Without easy, standardized access to this data, we cannot even dream of critically analyzing it. Furthermore, one never knows… …whether the material they are handing over is truly 100% of what they have collected.<\/p>\n
\nThis point seems like a very sound move. However, it won’t change much. Employees are already creating communication channels of their own that employers know nothing about. Of course, the platforms themselves also create such channels (hand in hand with fleet partners), giving the impression that they facilitate open discussion. And the DPP will change that. But will it change workers’ earnings?<\/p>\n
\nAccording to the draft bill presented by the government to introduce the directive into the Polish legal system, a so-called presumption of an employment relationship is to apply in situations where management\u2014or “worker control”\u2014is present. Unfortunately, however, there is no definition of what this actually means; the act does not specify it. Consequently, the courts will have to define it. And as we noted earlier, no delivery worker will realistically choose to initiate a lawsuit. In the case of migrants working for platforms, the prospect is entirely illusory; no one is going to wait years for a verdict over a claim involving 300 PLN plus social security contributions. Such a complex case would be deliberately dragged out indefinitely by the platforms. Furthermore, courts unfamiliar with the specific nature of platform work might rely on definitions of concepts that do not apply to this type of work, thereby ruling in favor of the platforms.
\nUnder the draft bill, a decision by the National Labour Inspectorate (PIP) confirming the existence of an employment relationship takes effect only from the date the decision is issued. While the PIP is required to file a lawsuit to establish the employment relationship for the preceding period, this constitutes a separate legal proceeding\u2014meaning there are two proceedings in every instance. Additionally, this provision implies that the worker receives legal protection only from the moment the PIP decision is issued; without that decision, there is still no protection whatsoever. What happens if a worker requests a PIP decision and an inspection begins, but the worker is dismissed in the meantime? The bill stipulates that if a platform terminates the contract during the inspection, the date the inspection began is deemed the start date of the employment contract. However, practical experience shows that platform workers lead such unstable lives that they cannot afford to wait\u2014for instance\u2014three months for the National Labour Inspectorate (PIP) to issue a decision, followed by another three years for a court to uphold it. This is a complete legal fiction. We are convinced that this will become a dead letter\u2014a law that no one ever actually uses.
\nThe bill still fails to address the issue of fleet partners (i.e., intermediaries). While the draft introduces joint and several liability for the platform and the partner, this applies only to the scope of the contract between them. This liability is waived if the fleet partner fails to notify the platform about the worker. Consequently, if the partner is a shell company (with no assets), the worker will essentially still have no way to enforce a claim, even after years of holding a court judgment in their favor. A separate and truly outrageous issue concerns the sanctions for platforms outlined in the bill. The maximum fine for a platform is PLN 60,000\u2014a truly symbolic amount for global corporations. Earlier in this analysis, we cited data on platform revenues; for Uber, a PLN 60,000 fine is equivalent to a one-grosz ticket for someone earning PLN 5,000 a month. Platforms will simply treat such low fines as a cost of doing business\u2014one that is easier to bear than changing their business model or hiring employees on standard employment contracts. To be effective, sanctions should be tied to a platform’s revenue or scale of operations.
\nA completely separate issue concerns workers performing tasks as sole traders. The draft bill excludes these individuals from the scope of certain provisions; for example, the right to an explanation of an algorithmic decision does not apply to those classified as “business users.” This means that workers operating as sole traders (JDG) will not gain the rights resulting from the Directive’s implementation!<\/p>\n
\nIn 2026, the National Labour Inspectorate (PIP) is set to receive significant new powers. Consequently, PIP branches will likely be flooded with new cases. Furthermore, their mandate will expand further upon the Directive’s implementation. We are likely facing an overload and potential collapse of the PIP. Should this occur, the state administration would once again be discredited. Additionally, as we noted in our report a year ago, the PIP lacks the substantive expertise required for the specific nature of the platform labor market. Perhaps the situation has changed since then; we certainly hope so.<\/p>\n
\nThe Directive and its implementation initially appeared to be a breakthrough in the fight against exploitation in this labor market sector. However, in its proposed form\u2014at both EU and national levels\u2014it risks becoming a dead letter. The fact that overburdened courts will decide workers’ fates, that platforms will face only token penalties, and that the issue of “fleet partners” is completely ignored means the burden of fighting for absolutely basic labor rights continues to rest on the workers themselves.
\nTo ensure the Directive\u2019s implementation in Poland is not merely a sham, truly bold changes are required: equipping the National Labour Inspectorate with real tools and immediately enforceable powers to issue decisions with retroactive effect, and linking penalty amounts to platform revenues. And, of course, extending protection to everyone who actually performs work\u2014including those in forced or voluntary self-employment.<\/p>\n
\nExperience teaches us that no provision in a directive or statute will work on its own unless there is real power backing the workers. The Platform Work Directive provides certain legal tools, but whether they are actually used depends on our stance. Neither platforms nor algorithms will voluntarily give up their profits. The coming months of implementing these regulations in Poland must be a time for building solidarity among delivery workers and ramping up pressure on those in power. After all, the government is once again simply leaving us to face labor exploitation on our own, pointing to court proceedings as the only solution.<\/p>\n
\nAnd furthermore:
\nTHERE ARE 2 MONTHS AND 18 DAYS LEFT TO IMPLEMENT THE PLATFORM WORK DIRECTIVE.<\/p>\n","protected":false,"raw":"We present the position of the Zentrale group regarding the planned transposition of the Platform Work Directive into the Polish legal system. The Ministry of Family, Labour and Social Policy has published a draft \"Act on Performing Work via Digital Labour Platforms,\" \u200b\u200bwhich is intended to be the cornerstone of this implementation. We are not labour law experts, so our position may have shortcomings. We also acknowledge that this is merely a draft, which could change completely during parliamentary debate. Ultimately, it could even be rejected by the President.\r\nWe believe that the scale of exploitation on these platforms is immense and widespread. It is high time for the authorities to finally take action.\r\n\r\n#zentrale_dyrektywa\r\n\r\n
\r\nPlatform Work Directive (PWD).<\/strong>\r\n\r\nGENERAL INFORMATION ABOUT THE DIRECTIVE:<\/strong>\r\nThe legal act discussed here is known as the Platform Work Directive, though its official title is Directive (EU) 2024\/2831 of the European Parliament and of the Council of 23 October 2024 on improving working conditions in platform work. As the full text was published on 1 December 2024 and each EU country has exactly two years to implement it, it is set to become part of the Polish legal system by 2 December 2026.\r\nWork on the Directive began as early as 2021; at a very early stage, the Zentrale group was invited to participate in open consultations regarding its content.\r\nWe recognize that the adopted text of the PWD represents a compromise between the competing interests of various political and capital groups from different countries. It is also universal in scope, applying to everyone working for platforms\u2014not just those involved in delivery or passenger transport services. However, given the nature of our own activities, our critique is framed from the perspective of individuals working as delivery personnel for platforms.\r\n\r\nPLATFORM WORK AS PART OF SOCIAL LIFE.<\/strong>\r\nCurrently, so-called \"platform work\" consists of very simple tasks that do not require specialized education; precisely for this reason, platforms easily capture this segment of the labor market. The tasks are so simple that, in principle, neither formal education nor training is required. Consequently, such work is usually very low-paid, regardless of whether it is performed through a platform or independently. However, it is precisely these platforms that\u2014by testing the limits of the labor market's endurance\u2014drive wage levels well below the minimum wage. Consequently, the people who opt to participate in this modern form of exploitation (worldwide) are generally the most desperate social groups or individuals who view the work as merely a stopgap measure from the start. Yet, this is changing. Having saturated the sectors involving the simplest tasks, platforms are now entering new, more complex sectors\u2014though still only the lowest-paid ones (e.g., hospital nursing or cleaning services). High levels of exploitation are evidenced by constant worker turnover. However, because this turnover persists, platforms essentially enjoy a steady supply of new workers, allowing their operations to continue without interruption.\r\n\r\nECONOMIC SCALE OF THE PLATFORM MARKET<\/strong>\r\n(BASED ON DELIVERY PLATFORMS ONLY)\r\nUBER \u2013 2025 revenue of approx. PLN 205 billion \u2013 equivalent to Poland\u2019s entire annual military budget (PLN 200 billion).\r\nDelivery Hero (Glovo) \u2013 PLN 63 billion \u2013 equivalent to annual spending on the \"800+\" social benefit program (PLN 62 billion).\r\nJust Eat Takeaway (Pyszne.pl) \u2013 PLN 21.9 billion \u2013 equivalent to the annual cost of indexing all retirement and disability pensions (PLN 22 billion).\r\nA common feature shared by all the aforementioned platforms is their failure to report a profit. Despite Uber having operated for over 15 years and maintaining a massive scale of operations, it still does not show a profit (and therefore pays no taxes). Thus, their operations are not only detrimental to the labor market but also harmful to the economies and national budgets of the countries where they operate (we discuss this further in our other publications).\r\n\r\nPOSSIBLE SCENARIOS FOR IMPLEMENTING THE DPP<\/strong>\r\nThe content of the DPP is so general that it allows for considerable latitude in interpretation during transposition into national legal systems. In our assessment, the result will be that implementation could be highly pro-worker in some countries while maintaining the status quo in others\u2014all within the same European Union. How it is implemented in Poland is entirely a political decision made by those in power.\r\n\r\nKEY ISSUES ADDRESSED IN THE DPP (analysis of its main premises)<\/strong>\r\n1. Employment status: The Directive introduces a presumption of an employment relationship. If the relationship between the platform and the worker exhibits elements of direction and control (e.g., the platform determines remuneration, supervises work, or influences task organization), the agreement between them is deemed to constitute an employment relationship. The DPP reverses the burden of proof\u2014it is the platform, not the worker, that must prove it is not an employer.\r\n2. Algorithmic Regulation: A defining feature of platform work is the use of an algorithm (a computer program) to manage work. Algorithms play a dominant role in platform operations; in some cases, the algorithm makes over 90% of decisions entirely on its own. The proposed Directive (DPP) requires platforms to disclose the content of their algorithms. Workers must be informed about how automated monitoring and decision-making systems operate (e.g., regarding task allocation, pay determination, or account suspension). Additionally, the DPP stipulates that key decisions must be made by humans. \r\n3. Personal Data Protection: Under the DPP, it will be more difficult for platforms to collect worker data due to the economic dependency involved. It prohibits the processing of certain particularly sensitive data (e.g., emotional state, private conversations, or worker location data outside of working hours). \r\n4. Strengthening the role of workers and public authorities in relations with platforms. The DPP allows for the imposition of reporting obligations on platforms regarding their activities to the relevant supervisory bodies. It also mandates that platforms facilitate free communication among the individuals working for them.\r\n\r\nGENERAL CRITICISM OF THE DIRECTIVE CONCEPT ITSELF<\/strong>\r\nregarding the points mentioned above.\r\nre 1.\r\nThe DPP grants governments significant leeway in interpreting its provisions. Each government will make a political decision regarding the definition of \"direction and control\" over the work and the worker. Some countries list specific criteria that, if met, classify an individual as an employee (e.g., setting working hours, performance evaluation, determining remuneration). Others will establish a different set of criteria. It is their political decision that will determine whether the criteria are easy or very difficult to meet. Our observations indicate that some countries leave even these issues for the courts to resolve. Others employ a mixed system: they set certain criteria, but leave detailed decisions to the courts. Consequently, such implementations will change nothing. A lawsuit filed against a platform by a worker who intended from the start to work for only a month or two will never happen. Furthermore, we believe that no worker earning less than the minimum wage would choose to launch a legal battle against a platform with billions in revenue. Obtaining support from trade unions is also unlikely. Currently, no trade union confederation has a section specializing in platform work, and the only group active in the Polish delivery sector\u2014the OPZZ Konfederacja Pracy branch at Pyszne.pl\u2014has effectively disintegrated.\r\n\r\nre 2.\r\nProponents of \"algorithmic transparency\" overestimate the importance of this aspect. It is widely believed that understanding the algorithm's operating mechanism allows one to avoid exploitation. In our view, this is a dangerous myth that distracts from the true essence of work: earnings. Here are a few of our arguments:\r\n- An algorithm is a massive, constantly evolving computer program. The DPP does not specify how or how often the algorithm's code should be disclosed. Should it be a printout? A spreadsheet? Raw code sent via email? These questions may seem trivial, but they are absolutely crucial, as the form of disclosure determines whether a reliable analysis is even possible. Merely organizing the provided data can consume vast resources.\r\n- As mentioned above, the algorithm is constantly being refined and altered\u2014changing from day to day, or even hour to hour. What is the point of knowing yesterday's code when today's is different?\r\n- Who is actually going to analyze the code? It requires a team of IT specialists. Are trade unions supposed to foot the bill? Especially unions that do not even exist in this sector?\r\n- And perhaps most importantly: if we do analyze the algorithm, what does the worker gain from it? For instance, suppose we reveal that the algorithm adds an extra 12% to a novice courier's pay to incentivize them. How does this knowledge change things for the workers? What are they supposed to do with it?\r\nThe DPP stipulates that \"key decisions must be made by a human.\" But which decisions should be considered key to daily work? This is crucial, as it is precisely what the platforms will undoubtedly use in the event of legal disputes. Another point: what does \"human intervention\" actually mean in practice? Is it enough for an algorithm to select a worker for dismissal and for a human simply to click \"approve\"? Or is the human required to thoroughly review the justification and hear out the arguments of the worker facing dismissal? Let us remember: the so-called \"support\" staff for delivery platforms are simply call-center workers subject to the same algorithmic pressure. They are never specialized personnel. So, will exploited platform workers be subject to review by stressed, overworked call-center staff?\r\n\r\nre 3.\r\nThe general concept of privacy protection is very sound. Platforms genuinely violate workers' privacy on a massive and continuous scale. These are not isolated incidents, as platform representatives claim; numerous analyses prove this. The apps used by platforms can even record workers' phone calls outside of working hours! There is also evidence that workers' movements are tracked even on days when they are not working. All this information can be used to further algorithmize earnings. However, as with the previous point: what is the use of enhanced personal data protection if there is no standard for how the collected data is shared? Some platforms provide it in the form of electronic spreadsheets, while others provide multi-page PDF scans. Without easy, standardized access to this data, we cannot even dream of critically analyzing it. Furthermore, one never knows... ...whether the material they are handing over is truly 100% of what they have collected.\r\n\r\nre 4.\r\nThis point seems like a very sound move. However, it won't change much. Employees are already creating communication channels of their own that employers know nothing about. Of course, the platforms themselves also create such channels (hand in hand with fleet partners), giving the impression that they facilitate open discussion. And the DPP will change that. But will it change workers' earnings?\r\n\r\nCRITIQUE OF THE POLISH IMPLEMENTATION OF THE DPP<\/strong>\r\nAccording to the draft bill presented by the government to introduce the directive into the Polish legal system, a so-called presumption of an employment relationship is to apply in situations where management\u2014or \"worker control\"\u2014is present. Unfortunately, however, there is no definition of what this actually means; the act does not specify it. Consequently, the courts will have to define it. And as we noted earlier, no delivery worker will realistically choose to initiate a lawsuit. In the case of migrants working for platforms, the prospect is entirely illusory; no one is going to wait years for a verdict over a claim involving 300 PLN plus social security contributions. Such a complex case would be deliberately dragged out indefinitely by the platforms. Furthermore, courts unfamiliar with the specific nature of platform work might rely on definitions of concepts that do not apply to this type of work, thereby ruling in favor of the platforms.\r\nUnder the draft bill, a decision by the National Labour Inspectorate (PIP) confirming the existence of an employment relationship takes effect only from the date the decision is issued. While the PIP is required to file a lawsuit to establish the employment relationship for the preceding period, this constitutes a separate legal proceeding\u2014meaning there are two proceedings in every instance. Additionally, this provision implies that the worker receives legal protection only from the moment the PIP decision is issued; without that decision, there is still no protection whatsoever. What happens if a worker requests a PIP decision and an inspection begins, but the worker is dismissed in the meantime? The bill stipulates that if a platform terminates the contract during the inspection, the date the inspection began is deemed the start date of the employment contract. However, practical experience shows that platform workers lead such unstable lives that they cannot afford to wait\u2014for instance\u2014three months for the National Labour Inspectorate (PIP) to issue a decision, followed by another three years for a court to uphold it. This is a complete legal fiction. We are convinced that this will become a dead letter\u2014a law that no one ever actually uses.\r\nThe bill still fails to address the issue of fleet partners (i.e., intermediaries). While the draft introduces joint and several liability for the platform and the partner, this applies only to the scope of the contract between them. This liability is waived if the fleet partner fails to notify the platform about the worker. Consequently, if the partner is a shell company (with no assets), the worker will essentially still have no way to enforce a claim, even after years of holding a court judgment in their favor. A separate and truly outrageous issue concerns the sanctions for platforms outlined in the bill. The maximum fine for a platform is PLN 60,000\u2014a truly symbolic amount for global corporations. Earlier in this analysis, we cited data on platform revenues; for Uber, a PLN 60,000 fine is equivalent to a one-grosz ticket for someone earning PLN 5,000 a month. Platforms will simply treat such low fines as a cost of doing business\u2014one that is easier to bear than changing their business model or hiring employees on standard employment contracts. To be effective, sanctions should be tied to a platform's revenue or scale of operations.\r\nA completely separate issue concerns workers performing tasks as sole traders. The draft bill excludes these individuals from the scope of certain provisions; for example, the right to an explanation of an algorithmic decision does not apply to those classified as \"business users.\" This means that workers operating as sole traders (JDG) will not gain the rights resulting from the Directive's implementation!\r\n\r\nTHE FUTURE POST-IMPLEMENTATION:<\/strong>\r\nIn 2026, the National Labour Inspectorate (PIP) is set to receive significant new powers. Consequently, PIP branches will likely be flooded with new cases. Furthermore, their mandate will expand further upon the Directive's implementation. We are likely facing an overload and potential collapse of the PIP. Should this occur, the state administration would once again be discredited. Additionally, as we noted in our report a year ago, the PIP lacks the substantive expertise required for the specific nature of the platform labor market. Perhaps the situation has changed since then; we certainly hope so.\r\n\r\nSUMMARY<\/strong>\r\nThe Directive and its implementation initially appeared to be a breakthrough in the fight against exploitation in this labor market sector. However, in its proposed form\u2014at both EU and national levels\u2014it risks becoming a dead letter. The fact that overburdened courts will decide workers' fates, that platforms will face only token penalties, and that the issue of \"fleet partners\" is completely ignored means the burden of fighting for absolutely basic labor rights continues to rest on the workers themselves.\r\nTo ensure the Directive\u2019s implementation in Poland is not merely a sham, truly bold changes are required: equipping the National Labour Inspectorate with real tools and immediately enforceable powers to issue decisions with retroactive effect, and linking penalty amounts to platform revenues. And, of course, extending protection to everyone who actually performs work\u2014including those in forced or voluntary self-employment.\r\n\r\nWHAT\u2019S NEXT? <\/strong>\r\nExperience teaches us that no provision in a directive or statute will work on its own unless there is real power backing the workers. The Platform Work Directive provides certain legal tools, but whether they are actually used depends on our stance. Neither platforms nor algorithms will voluntarily give up their profits. The coming months of implementing these regulations in Poland must be a time for building solidarity among delivery workers and ramping up pressure on those in power. After all, the government is once again simply leaving us to face labor exploitation on our own, pointing to court proceedings as the only solution.\r\n\r\n
\r\nAnd furthermore:\r\nTHERE ARE 2 MONTHS AND 18 DAYS LEFT TO IMPLEMENT THE PLATFORM WORK DIRECTIVE."},"excerpt":{"rendered":"","protected":false,"raw":""},"author":1,"featured_media":3210,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_pl_post_content":"Przedstawiamy stanowisko grupy Zentrale w sprawie planowanego wdro\u017cenia do polskiego systemu prawnego Dyrektywy o Pracy Platformowej. Ministerstwo Rodziny, Pracy i Polityki Spo\u0142ecznej opublikowa\u0142o projekt \u201cUstawy o wykonywaniu pracy za po\u015brednictwem cyfrowych platform pracy\u201d, kt\u00f3ry ma by\u0107 g\u0142\u00f3wnym elementem tego wdro\u017cenia. Nie jeste\u015bmy specjalistami od prawa pracy, wi\u0119c by\u0107 mo\u017ce nasze stanowisko ma mankamenty. Wiemy te\u017c, \u017ce to tylko projekt, kt\u00f3ry mo\u017ce si\u0119 ca\u0142kowicie zmieni\u0107 w trakcie parlamentarnej debaty. A na ko\u0144cu mo\u017ce by\u0107 po prostu odrzucony przez Prezydenta. \r\nUwa\u017camy, \u017ce skala wyzysku na Platformach jest ogromna i powszechna. Najwy\u017cszy czas, aby w\u0142adza wreszcie co\u015b z tym zrobi\u0142a. \r\n\r\n#zentrale_dyrektywa\r\n\r\n
\r\nDyrektywa o Pracy Platformowej (DPP).<\/strong>\r\n\r\n\r\nOG\u00d3LNE INFORMACJE O DYREKTYWIE:<\/strong>\r\nAkt prawny, o kt\u00f3rym tutaj m\u00f3wimy nazywamy Dyrektyw\u0105 o Pracy Platformowej, ale jej prawid\u0142owy tytu\u0142 to Dyrektywa Parlamentu Europejskiego i Rady (UE) 2024\/2831 z dnia 23 pa\u017adziernika 2024 r. w sprawie poprawy warunk\u00f3w pracy za po\u015brednictwem platform internetowych. Poniewa\u017c jej pe\u0142ny tekst zosta\u0142 opublikowany 1 grudnia 2024 roku a ka\u017cdy kraj UE ma r\u00f3wno 2 lata na jej wdro\u017cenie, powinna sta\u0107 si\u0119 cz\u0119\u015bci\u0105 polskiego systemu prawnego do 2 grudnia 2026 roku. \r\nPrac\u0119 na Dyrektyw\u0105 zacze\u0142y si\u0119 ju\u017c w 2021 roku, i na bardzo wczesnym etapie byli\u015bmy, jako grupa Zentrale zaproszeni do udzia\u0142u w otwartych konsultacjach o jej tre\u015bci. \r\nZdajemy sobie spraw\u0119, \u017ce uchwalona tre\u015b\u0107 DPP jest wypadkow\u0105 r\u00f3\u017cnych interes\u00f3w, r\u00f3\u017cnych grup politycznych i kapita\u0142owych z r\u00f3\u017cnych kraj\u00f3w. Ma te\u017c charakter uniwersalny: dotyczy wszystkich os\u00f3b pracuj\u0105ch dla Platform. Nie tylko us\u0142ug dostaw ani przewoz\u00f3w os\u00f3b. Ale z racji na charakter naszej dzia\u0142alno\u015bci nasz\u0105 krytyk\u0119 prowadzimy z punktu widzenia os\u00f3b pracuj\u0105cych jako Dostawcy dla Platform.\r\n\r\nPRACA PLATFORMOWA JAKO ELEMENT \u017bYCIA SPO\u0141ECZNEGO.<\/strong>\r\nObecnie, tzw. Prace Platformowe s\u0105 to bardzo proste czynno\u015bci, niewymagaj\u0105ce specjalnego wykszta\u0142cenia, ale w\u0142a\u015bnie dlatego Platformy z \u0142atwo\u015bci\u0105 przejmuj\u0105 ten fragment rynku pracy. Prace s\u0105 proste, \u017ce w zasadzie nie jest wymagane jakiekolwiek wykszta\u0142cenie ani przeszkolenie. Dlatego s\u0105 one zazwyczaj bardzo nisko p\u0142atne, niezale\u017cnie od tego, czy s\u0105 wykonywane za po\u015brednictwem Platform czy bez nich. Ale to w\u0142a\u015bnie Platformy, testuj\u0105c granic\u0119 wytrzyma\u0142o\u015bci rynku pracy, obni\u017caj\u0105 poziom wynagrodze\u0144 du\u017co poni\u017cej pensji minimalnej. Dlatego te\u017c, na udzia\u0142 w tym wsp\u00f3\u0142czesnym wyzysku decyduj\u0105 si\u0119 (wsz\u0119dzie na \u015bwiecie) w zasadzie najbardziej zdesperowane grupy spo\u0142eczne albo osoby kt\u00f3re od pocz\u0105tku traktuj\u0105 j\u0105 jako prac\u0119 \u201ena chwil\u0119\u201c. Ale to si\u0119 zmienia. Po \u201ewysyceniu\u201c sektor\u00f3w najprostszych prac, Platformy wchodz\u0105 w nowe sektory, bardziej skomplikowane sektory, ale te\u017c tylko te najs\u0142abiej wynagradzane (np. piel\u0119gniarki w szpitalach czy us\u0142ugi sprz\u0105tania). O tym, \u017ce poziom wyzysku jest wysoki, \u015bwiadczy nieustanna rotacja pracownik\u00f3w. Ale poniewa\u017c rotacja trwa, to w zasadzie Platformy maj\u0105 ci\u0105gle \u015bwie\u017c\u0105 dostaw\u0119 pracownik\u00f3w, i ich dzia\u0142alno\u015b\u0107 przebiega bez zak\u0142\u00f3ce\u0144.\r\n\r\nSKALA EKONOMICZNA RYNKU PLATFORMOWEGO \r\n(TYLKO NA PRZYK\u0141ADZIE PLATFORM DOSTAW)<\/strong>\r\nUBER \u2013 przychody w 2025 roku to ok 205 mld pln \u2013 to tyle ile wynosi ca\u0142oroczny bud\u017cet na Polski na wojsko (200 mld pln)\r\nDelivery Hero (Glovo) \u2013 63 mld pln \u2013 to r\u00f3wnowarto\u015b\u0107 rocznych wydatk\u00f3w na program 800+ (62 mld pln)\r\nJust Eat Takeaway (Pyszne.pl) \u2013 21,9 mld pln \u2013 to roczny koszt waloryzacji wszystkich emerytur i rent (22 mld pln)\r\nCech\u0105 kt\u00f3ra \u0142\u0105czy wszystkie powy\u017csze Platformy jest nie wykazywanie zysk\u00f3w. Mimo, \u017ce np. Uber dzia\u0142a ju\u017c ponad 15 lat i ma tak gigantyczn\u0105 skale dzia\u0142alno\u015bci, to nadal nie wykazuje zysk\u00f3w (wi\u0119c nie odprowadza te\u017c podatk\u00f3w). \r\nTak wi\u0119c, ich dzia\u0142ano\u015b\u0107 jest nie tylko szkodliwa dla rynku pracy, ale r\u00f3wnie\u017c szkodliwa z punktu widzenia ekonomii kraj\u00f3w w kt\u00f3rych dzia\u0142aj\u0105 oraz bud\u017cet\u00f3w danego kraju (wi\u0119cej o tym piszemy w innych naszych publikacjach).\r\n\r\nMO\u017bLIWE SCENARIUSZE WDRO\u017bENIA DPP<\/strong>\r\nTre\u015b\u0107 DPP jest tak bardzo og\u00f3lnikowa, \u017ce pozwala na du\u017c\u0105 swobod\u0119 w interpretacji przy wdra\u017caniu do krajowych system\u00f3w prawnych. W naszej ocenie efekt b\u0119dzie taki, \u017ce w jednych krajach wdro\u017cenie mo\u017ce by\u0107 bardzo pro-pracownicze przy jednoczesnym zachowaniu status quo w innych krajach. I to wszystko obr\u0119bie jednej Unii Europejskiej. To jak zostanie wdro\u017cona w Polsce jest tylko i wy\u0142\u0105cznie decyzj\u0105 polityczn\u0105 os\u00f3b sprawuj\u0105cych w\u0142adz\u0119. \r\n\r\nNAJWA\u017bNIEJSZE ZAGADNIENIA PORUSZONE W DPP (analiza jej g\u0142\u00f3wnych za\u0142o\u017ce\u0144)<\/strong>\r\n1. Statusu zatrudnienia: Dyrektywa wprowadza domniemanie stosunku pracy. Je\u015bli w relacji mi\u0119dzy Platform\u0105 a pracownikiem wyst\u0119puj\u0105 cechy kierownictwa i kontroli (np. Platforma decyduje o wynagrodzeniu, nadzoruje prac\u0119, wp\u0142ywa na organizacj\u0119 zada\u0144), to umow\u0119 mi\u0119dzy nimi uznaje si\u0119 za stosunek pracy. DPP odwraca ci\u0119\u017car dowodu \u2013 to Platforma, a nie pracownik, musi udowodni\u0107, \u017ce nie jest pracodawc\u0105\r\n2. Regulacja Algorytmu: Cech\u0105 charakterystyczn\u0105 pracy platformowej jest u\u017cycie Algorytmu (programu komputerowego) do zarz\u0105dzania prac\u0105. Jego rola jest dominuj\u0105ca w dzia\u0142alno\u015bci Platform. W niektorych ponad 90% decyzji podejmue tylko i wy\u0142\u0105cznie Algorytm. DPP zobowi\u0105zuje Platformy do ujawnienia tre\u015bci Algorytm\u00f3w. Pracownicy musz\u0105 by\u0107 informowani o tym, jak dzia\u0142aj\u0105 systemy automatycznego monitorowania i podejmowania decyzji (np. przy przydzielaniu zlece\u0144, ustalaniu wynagrodzenia czy blokadzie konta). Dodatkowo DPP stwierdza, \u017ce kluczowe decyzje musz\u0105 by\u0107 podejmowane przez cz\u0142owieka.\u20283. Ochrona danych osobowych: Wg DPP Platformom b\u0119dzie trudniej zbiera\u0107 dane o pracownikach, ze zwgl\u0119du na zale\u017cno\u015b\u0107 ekonomiczn\u0105. Wprowadza zakaz przetwarzania niekt\u00f3rych szczeg\u00f3lnie wra\u017cliwych danych (np. stanu emocjonalnego, prywatnych rozm\u00f3w, danych o lokalizacji pracownika poza czasem pracy)\u20284. Wzmocnienie roli pracownik\u00f3w i administracji pa\u0144stwowej w relacjach z Platformami. DPP pozwala narzuci\u0107 Platformom obowi\u0105zek raportowania o ich dzia\u0142alno\u015bci w\u0142a\u015bciwym organom kontroli. DPP nakazuje te\u017c umo\u017cliwi\u0107 swobodny wzajemny kontakt mi\u0119dzy osobami pracuj\u0105cymi dla Platform. \r\n\r\nKRYTYKA OG\u00d3LNA SAMEJ KONCEPCJI DYREKTYWY\u2028\r\nw odniesieniu do wcze\u015bniej wymienionych punkt\u00f3w.<\/strong>\r\nad 1.\u2028\r\nDPP pozostawia ogromn\u0105 swobode Rz\u0105dom w interpretacji jej zapis\u00f3w. Ka\u017cdy rz\u0105d podejmie polityczn\u0105 decyzj\u0119 jak rozumie czym jest \u201ekierownictwo i kontrola\u201c nad prac\u0105 i pracownikiem. Niekt\u00f3re kraje wymieniaj\u0105 kilka cech, kt\u00f3rych spe\u0142nienie oznacza, \u017ce kto\u015b faktycznie jest pracownikiem (np. wyznaczanie czasu pracy, ocena pracy, wyznaczanie wynagrodzenia). Inne ustal\u0105 odmienny katalog cech. I to od ich politycznej decyzji b\u0119dzie zale\u017ca\u0142o, czy kryteria b\u0119d\u0105 \u0142atwe czy te\u017c bardzo trudne do spe\u0142nienia.\u2028Z naszych obserwacji wynika, \u017ce niekt\u00f3re kraje pozostawiaj\u0105 nawet te zagadnienia jako konieczne do rozstrzygni\u0119cia przez s\u0105dy. Inne stosuja system mieszany: okre\u015blaj\u0105 jakie\u015b kryteria, ale szczeg\u00f3\u0142owe decyzje maj\u0105 podejmowa\u0107 s\u0105dy. \u2028W konsekwencji, takie wdro\u017cenia nic nie zmiani\u0105. Pozwanie Platformy przez pracownika, kt\u00f3ry od pocz\u0105tku chcia\u0142 pracowa\u0107 tylko przez miesi\u0105c - dwa nigdy si\u0119 nie wydarzy. Dodatkowo, uwa\u017camy, \u017ce \u017caden pracownik czy pracownica, zarabiaj\u0105ca poni\u017cej minimalnej pensji, nie zdecyduje si\u0119 na rozpocz\u0119cie batalii s\u0105dowej przeciwko Platformie o miliardowych przychodach. Ma\u0142o prawdopodobne jest uzyskanie wsparcia od Zwi\u0105zk\u00f3w Zawodowych. Obecnie, \u017cadna centrala zwi\u0105zkowo nie posiada sekcji specjalizuj\u0105cej sie w pracy platformowej, a jedyna grupa dzia\u0142aj\u0105ca w bran\u017cy dostaw w Polsce, dzia\u0142aj\u0105ca w Pyszne.pl OPZZ Konfederacja Pracy obecnie praktycznie uleg\u0142a rozpadowi.\r\nad 2.\r\n\u2028Osoby, kt\u00f3ry s\u0105 zwolennikiem\u201ejawno\u015bci Algorytmu\u201c przeceniaj\u0105 ten aspekt. Do\u015b\u0107 powszechnie uwa\u017ca si\u0119, \u017ce gdy poznamy mechanizm dzia\u0142ania algorytmu, to unikniemy wyzysku. Naszym zdaniem jest to okropny mit, kt\u00f3ry odwraca uwag\u0119 od naprawd\u0119 istoty celu pracy: zarobk\u00f3w. Oto kilka naszych argument\u00f3w:\u2028- Algorytm to ogromny program komputerowy, nieustannie udoskonalany. W DPP nie jest okre\u015blone jak ten kod Algorytmu powinien by\u0107 udost\u0119pniony i jak cz\u0119sto. Czy ma to by\u0107 wydruk? Tabela? Surowy kod programu przes\u0142any emailem? Te pytania wydaj\u0105 si\u0119 banalne, ale to jest absolutnie kluczowe. Bo od formy przekazania kodu zale\u017cy mo\u017cliwo\u015b\u0107 jej rzetelnej analizy. Samo porz\u0105dkowanie przekazanych danych mo\u017ce poch\u0142on\u0105\u0107 bardzo du\u017co zasob\u00f3w.\u2028- Jak napisali\u015bmy powy\u017cej Algorytm jest nieustannie udoskonalany, zmieniany. Z dnia na dzie\u0144, z godziny na godzin\u0119. I co z tego \u017ce poznamy kod z wczoraj, kiedy dzi\u015b jest inny?\u2028- Kto w og\u00f3le b\u0119dzie analizowa\u0142 kod? Do tego trzeba mie\u0107 sztab informatyk\u00f3w. Czy zwi\u0105zki zawodowe maj\u0105 za to p\u0142aci\u0107? I to te, kt\u00f3re nie istniej\u0105 w tym sektorze?\u2028- I chyba najwa\u017cniejsze: je\u015bli wykonamy analiz\u0119 Algorytmu, to co z tego b\u0119dzie mia\u0142 pracownik. Np. ujawnimy, \u017ce pocz\u0105tkuj\u0105cy Dostawca ma doliczane przez Algorytm ekstra 12% do wynagrodzenia, \u017ceby go zach\u0119cic. Co ta wiedza zmieni pracownikom, co oni maj\u0105 z ni\u0105 zrobi\u0107? \u2028\u2028DPP okre\u015bla, \u017ce \u201ekluczowe decyzje musz\u0105 by\u0107 podejmowane przez cz\u0142owieka\u201c? Kt\u00f3re decyzje uznamy za kluczowe dla codziennej pracy? To jest bardzo istotne, bo na pewno w\u0142a\u015bnie to Platformy wykorzystaj\u0105 przy ewentualnych spora s\u0105dowych. Inna rzecz: co w praktyce oznacza \u201epodejmowane przez cz\u0142owieka\u201c? Czy wystarczy \u017ce algorytm wytypuje pracownika do zwolnienia, a cz\u0142owiek tylko kliknie i zatwierdzi? Czy mo\u017ce jednak cz\u0142owiek ma obowi\u0105zek wnikliwie zapozna\u0107 si\u0119 z uzasadnieniem oraz wys\u0142ucha\u0107 argument\u00f3w zwalnianego pracownika? Pami\u0119tajmy: tzw support dla pracownik\u00f3w Platform dostaw to po prostu osoby pracuj\u0105ce w call-center, podlegaj\u0105ce tej samej presji algorytmu. To nigdy nie s\u0105 wyspecjalizowani pracownicy. Wi\u0119c czy b\u0119dzie tak, \u017ce wyzyskiwani pracowni Platform, b\u0119d\u0105 podlegali weryfikacji przez zestresowanych i przem\u0119czonych prac\u0105 pracownik\u00f3w call-center?\u2028\r\nad 3. \u2028\r\nGeneralna koncepcja ochrony prywatno\u015bci jest bardzo sluszna. Platformy naprawd\u0119 naruszaj\u0105 prywatno\u015b\u0107 pracownik\u00f3w w spos\u00f3b masowy i ciag\u0142y. To nie s\u0105 pojedyncze przypadki, jak twierdz\u0105 przedstawiciele Platform. Jest ju\u017c wiele analiz, kt\u00f3re to udowadniaja. Aplikacje u\u017cywane przez Platformy potrafi\u0105 nawet nagrywa\u0107 rozmowy telefoniczne pracownik\u00f3w poza ich godzinami pracy! S\u0105 r\u00f3wnie\u017c dowody, na to, \u017ce jest \u015bledzony ruch pracownikow nawet w te dni kiedy nie pracuj\u0105. Ca\u0142a ta wiedza moze s\u0142u\u017cyc do g\u0142\u0119bszego algorytmizowania zarobk\u00f3w.\u2028No ale, jak w poprzednim punkcie. Co z tego, \u017ce pog\u0142ebia si\u0119 ochrona danych osobowych, jak nie ma standardu udostepniania zebranych danych. Jedne Platformy udostepniaj\u0105 je w formie elektronicznych tabel, inne jako wielostronicowe skany w PDF. Bez \u0142atwego i ujednoliconego dost\u0119pu do tych danych, nie mamy co marzy\u0107 o ich krytycznej analizie. Dodatkowo nigdy nie wiadomo. czy materia\u0142 kt\u00f3ry przekazuj\u0105 to faktyczne 100% tego co zgromadzily.\r\nad. 4.\r\n\u2028Ten punkt wydaje si\u0119 bardzo s\u0142usznym posuni\u0119ciem. Jednak niewiele zmieni. Ju\u017c teraz, pracownicy sami tworz\u0105 kana\u0142y komunikacji, o kt\u00f3rych pracodawcy nie wiedz\u0105. Oczywi\u015bcie takie kana\u0142y tworz\u0105 te\u017c Platformy (rami\u0119 w rami\u0119 z Partnerami Flotowymi), sprawiaj\u0105c wra\u017cenie, \u017ce umo\u017cliwiaj\u0105 otwart\u0105 dyskusj\u0119. I DPP to zmieni. Ale czy to zmieni zarobki pracownik\u00f3w? \r\n\r\nKRYTYKA POLSKIEGO WDRO\u017bENIA DPP<\/strong>\r\n\u2028Wg zaprezentowanego przez rz\u0105d projektu ustawy wprowadzaj\u0105cej do polskiego systemu prawnego, ma by\u0107 tzw. domniemanie stosunku pracy w sytuacji gdy wyst\u0105pi kierownictwo czyli tzw \u201ekontrola pracownika\u201c. Ale niestety nie jest zdefiniowane, co to znaczy? Ustawa tego nie okre\u015bla. Czyli b\u0119d\u0105 to musia\u0142y zrobi\u0107 s\u0105dy. I jak pisali\u015bmy powyzej: naprawd\u0119 \u017caden Dostawca nie zdecyduje sie na otwarcie sprawy s\u0105dowej. A w przypadku migrant\u00f3w pracuj\u0105cych dla Platform jest to ju\u017c naprawd\u0119 absolutna fikcja. Nikt nie bedzie latami czeka\u0142 na wyrok w sprawie o 300pln + ZUS. Tak skomplikowana sprawa, bedzie celowo przeci\u0105gana przez Platformy w niesko\u0144czono\u015b\u0107. Dodatkowo, s\u0105dy, nie znaj\u0105c specyfiki pracy w Platform, mog\u0105 korzysta\u0107 z definicji poj\u0119\u0107 niewystepuj\u0105cych w tej pracy i na tej podstawie przyznawac racje Plaformom. \r\nWg projektu ustawy decyzja Pa\u0144stwowej Inspekcji Pracy (PIP) o istnieniu stosunku pracy wywo\u0142uje skutki od dnia jej wydania. Co prawda PIP ma obowi\u0105zek wnie\u015b\u0107 pow\u00f3dztwo o ustalenie stosunku pracy za okres wcze\u015bniejszy, ale b\u0119dzie to osobne post\u0119powanie s\u0105dowe. Wi\u0119c za ka\u017cdym razem mamy dwa post\u0119powania. Dodatkowo, taki zapis w ustawie, oznacza \u017ce pracownik, otrzymuje ochron\u0119 prawn\u0105 dopiero od momentu decyzji PIP. Bez tej decyzji nadal nie ma jakiejkolwiek ochrony. Co si\u0119 wydarzy, je\u015bli pracownik wyst\u0105pi o decyzj\u0119 do PIP, ona rozpocznie kontrol\u0119, ale w mi\u0119dzy czasie pracownik zostanie zwolniony? Ustawa przewiduje, \u017ce je\u015bli Platforma rozwi\u0105\u017ce umow\u0119 w trakcie kontroli, to dat\u0105 zawarcia umowy o prac\u0119 staje si\u0119 data rozpocz\u0119cia kontroli. Ok, ale praktyka pokazuje, \u017ce pracownicy Platformowi maj\u0105 tak niestabilne \u017cycie, \u017ce nie mog\u0105 czeka\u0107 np. 3 miesi\u0119cy a\u017c PIP wyda decyzj\u0119, a potem 3 lat a\u017c j\u0105 zatwierdzi s\u0105d. To jest czysta fikcja prawna. Jeste\u015bmy przekonani, \u017ce b\u0119dzie to martwe prawo, kt\u00f3rego nikt nigdy nie wykorzysta.\r\nUstawa nadal nie rozwi\u0105zuje problemu Partner\u00f3w Flotowych (czyli po\u015brednik\u00f3w). Projekt wprowadza solidarn\u0105 odpowiedzialno\u015b\u0107 Platformy i Partnera, ale tylko w zakresie umowy mi\u0119dzy nimi. Odpowiedzialno\u015b\u0107 ta jest wy\u0142\u0105czona, je\u015bli Partner Flotowy nie poinformuje Platformy o pracowniku. Je\u015bli wi\u0119c Partner b\u0119dzie firm\u0105-krzakiem (bez maj\u0105tku), to w zasadzie pracownik nadal nie b\u0119dzie mia\u0142jak wyegzekwowa\u0107 czegokolwiek, nawet gdy po latach b\u0119dzie mia\u0142 wyrok s\u0105dowy w r\u0119ku.\u2028\u2028Osobnym, naprawd\u0119 oburzaj\u0105cym zagadnieniem s\u0105 sankcje dla Platform przewidziane w ustawie. Maksymalna grzywna dla Platformy to 60 000 z\u0142. Dla globalnych korporacji to kwota naprawd\u0119 symboliczna. Na pocz\u0105tku tej analizy przytoczyli\u015bmy dane o przychodach Platform. I np. dla Platformy Uber, kara 60 tysi\u0119cy z\u0142otych, to tyle, ile dla osoby o zarobkach 5 tysi\u0119cy z\u0142otych mandat w wysoko\u015bci 1 grosz. Takie niskie kary Platformy b\u0119d\u0105 traktowa\u0107 po prostu jako koszt prowadzenia dzia\u0142alno\u015bci, kt\u00f3ry jest \u0142atwiejszy do poniesienia ni\u017c zmiana modelu biznesowego i zatrudnianie pracownik\u00f3w na etat. Aby sankcje by\u0142y skuteczne, powinny by\u0107 uzale\u017cnione od przychod\u00f3w lub skali dzia\u0142alno\u015bci Platformy.\r\nZupe\u0142nie osobnym zagadnieniem s\u0105 pracownicy wykonuj\u0105cy prac\u0119 w oparciu o jednoosobow\u0105 dzia\u0142alno\u015bci\u0105 gospodarcz\u0105. Projekt ustawy w takiej sytuacji wy\u0142\u0105cza niekt\u00f3re zapisy wobec tych os\u00f3b. Np. prawo do wyja\u015bnienia decyzji Algorytmu nie stosuje si\u0119 wobec os\u00f3b, kt\u00f3re s\u0105 \"u\u017cytkownikami biznesowymi\u201c. To oznacza, \u017ce Ci pracownicy, ktorzy s\u0105 na JDG nie nab\u0119d\u0105 praw przys\u0142ugujacych z wdro\u017cenia Dyrektywy!\r\n\r\nPRZYSZ\u0141O\u015a\u0106 PO WDRO\u017bENIU:\u2028<\/strong>\r\nW 2026 roku PIP otrzyma\u0142a bardzo du\u017ce nowe uprawnienia. W ich konsekwencji (prawdopodobnie) do oddzia\u0142\u00f3w PIP wp\u0142ynie wiele nowych spraw. Do tego uprawnienia wzrosn\u0105 z chwil\u0105 wdro\u017cenia Dyrektywy. Prawdopodnie przed nami przeci\u0105\u017cenie i zapa\u015b\u0107 PIP. Je\u015bli to nast\u0105pi, po raz kolejny administracja pa\u0144stwa zostanie skompromitowana. Dodatkowo, jak pisali\u015bmy rok temu w naszym raporcie, PIP nie jest przygotowana merytorycznie na specyfik\u0119 rynku pracu platformowej. By\u0107 mo\u017ce od tego czasu sytuacja si\u0119 zmieni\u0142a. Mamy tak\u0105 nadziej\u0119.\u2028\r\n\r\nPODSUMOWANIE<\/strong>\u2028\r\nDyrektywa i jej wdro\u017cenie wydawa\u0142y si\u0119 by\u0107 prze\u0142omem w walce z wyzyskiem panuj\u0105cym w tym sektorze rynku pracy. Jednak w zaproponowanym kszta\u0142cie \u2013 zar\u00f3wno na poziomie unijnym, jak i krajowym \u2013 stanie si\u0119 martwym przepisem. O losie pracownik\u00f3w rozstrzyga\u0107 b\u0119d\u0105 w r\u0119ce przeci\u0105\u017cone s\u0105dy, Platformy b\u0119d\u0105 symboliczne karane oraz ca\u0142kowite pomini\u0119cie problemu Partner\u00f3w Flotowych, sprawiaj\u0105, \u017ce ci\u0119\u017car walki o absolutnie podstawowe prawa pracownicze nadal spoczywa na samych pracownikach.\r\nAby wdro\u017cenie Dyrektywy w Polsce nie sta\u0142o si\u0119 fikcj\u0105, niezb\u0119dne s\u0105 naprawd\u0119 odwa\u017cne zmiany: przyznanie Pa\u0144stwowej Inspekcji Pracy realnych narz\u0119dzi oraz natychmiastowo egzekwowalnych uprawnie\u0144 wydawania decyzji ze skutkiem wstecznym, powi\u0105zanie wysoko\u015bci kar z obrotami Platform. No i oczywi\u015bcie obj\u0119cie ochron\u0105 wszystkich os\u00f3b faktycznie \u015bwiadcz\u0105cych prac\u0119 \u2013 tak\u017ce tych obj\u0119tych wymuszonym lub dobrowolnym samozatrudnieniem.\r\n\r\nCO DALEJ?\u2028<\/strong>\r\nDo\u015bwiadczenie uczy nas, \u017ce \u017caden zapis w Dyrektywie czy ustawie nie zadzia\u0142a sam z siebie, je\u015bli za Pracownikami i Pracownicami nie stoi realna si\u0142a. Dyrektywa o Pracy Platformowej daje pewne narz\u0119dzia prawne, ale to od naszej postawy zale\u017cy, czy zostan\u0105 one wykorzystane. Ani Platformy, ani Algorytmy nie zrezygnuj\u0105 ze swoich zysk\u00f3w dobrowolnie. Nadchodz\u0105ce miesi\u0105ce wdro\u017cenia przepis\u00f3w w Polsce musz\u0105 by\u0107 czasem budowania solidarno\u015bci \u015brodowiska Dostawc\u00f3w, i wzmo\u017conej presji na rz\u0105dz\u0105cych. Bo dzi\u015b, rz\u0105d po prostu po raz kolejny zostawia nas samych z wyzyskiem pracowniczym, i jako jedyn\u0105 drog\u0119 rozwi\u0105zania wskazuje procedury s\u0105dowe.\r\n\r\n
\r\nA poza tym:\r\nNA WDRO\u017bENIE DYREKTYWY O PRACY PLATFORMOWEJ ZOSTA\u0141O 2 MIESI\u0104CE I 18 DNI.\r\n\r\n","_pl_post_name":"nasze-stanowisko-w-sprawie-wdrozenia-dyrektywy-o-pracy-platformowej","_pl_post_excerpt":"","_pl_post_title":"NASZE STANOWISKO W SPRAWIE WDRO\u017bENIA DYREKTYWY O PRACY PLATFORMOWEJ","_en_post_content":"We present the position of the Zentrale group regarding the planned transposition of the Platform Work Directive into the Polish legal system. The Ministry of Family, Labour and Social Policy has published a draft \"Act on Performing Work via Digital Labour Platforms,\" \u200b\u200bwhich is intended to be the cornerstone of this implementation. We are not labour law experts, so our position may have shortcomings. We also acknowledge that this is merely a draft, which could change completely during parliamentary debate. Ultimately, it could even be rejected by the President.\r\nWe believe that the scale of exploitation on these platforms is immense and widespread. It is high time for the authorities to finally take action.\r\n\r\n#zentrale_dyrektywa\r\n\r\n
\r\nPlatform Work Directive (PWD).<\/strong>\r\n\r\nGENERAL INFORMATION ABOUT THE DIRECTIVE:<\/strong>\r\nThe legal act discussed here is known as the Platform Work Directive, though its official title is Directive (EU) 2024\/2831 of the European Parliament and of the Council of 23 October 2024 on improving working conditions in platform work. As the full text was published on 1 December 2024 and each EU country has exactly two years to implement it, it is set to become part of the Polish legal system by 2 December 2026.\r\nWork on the Directive began as early as 2021; at a very early stage, the Zentrale group was invited to participate in open consultations regarding its content.\r\nWe recognize that the adopted text of the PWD represents a compromise between the competing interests of various political and capital groups from different countries. It is also universal in scope, applying to everyone working for platforms\u2014not just those involved in delivery or passenger transport services. However, given the nature of our own activities, our critique is framed from the perspective of individuals working as delivery personnel for platforms.\r\n\r\nPLATFORM WORK AS PART OF SOCIAL LIFE.<\/strong>\r\nCurrently, so-called \"platform work\" consists of very simple tasks that do not require specialized education; precisely for this reason, platforms easily capture this segment of the labor market. The tasks are so simple that, in principle, neither formal education nor training is required. Consequently, such work is usually very low-paid, regardless of whether it is performed through a platform or independently. However, it is precisely these platforms that\u2014by testing the limits of the labor market's endurance\u2014drive wage levels well below the minimum wage. Consequently, the people who opt to participate in this modern form of exploitation (worldwide) are generally the most desperate social groups or individuals who view the work as merely a stopgap measure from the start. Yet, this is changing. Having saturated the sectors involving the simplest tasks, platforms are now entering new, more complex sectors\u2014though still only the lowest-paid ones (e.g., hospital nursing or cleaning services). High levels of exploitation are evidenced by constant worker turnover. However, because this turnover persists, platforms essentially enjoy a steady supply of new workers, allowing their operations to continue without interruption.\r\n\r\nECONOMIC SCALE OF THE PLATFORM MARKET<\/strong>\r\n(BASED ON DELIVERY PLATFORMS ONLY)\r\nUBER \u2013 2025 revenue of approx. PLN 205 billion \u2013 equivalent to Poland\u2019s entire annual military budget (PLN 200 billion).\r\nDelivery Hero (Glovo) \u2013 PLN 63 billion \u2013 equivalent to annual spending on the \"800+\" social benefit program (PLN 62 billion).\r\nJust Eat Takeaway (Pyszne.pl) \u2013 PLN 21.9 billion \u2013 equivalent to the annual cost of indexing all retirement and disability pensions (PLN 22 billion).\r\nA common feature shared by all the aforementioned platforms is their failure to report a profit. Despite Uber having operated for over 15 years and maintaining a massive scale of operations, it still does not show a profit (and therefore pays no taxes). Thus, their operations are not only detrimental to the labor market but also harmful to the economies and national budgets of the countries where they operate (we discuss this further in our other publications).\r\n\r\nPOSSIBLE SCENARIOS FOR IMPLEMENTING THE DPP<\/strong>\r\nThe content of the DPP is so general that it allows for considerable latitude in interpretation during transposition into national legal systems. In our assessment, the result will be that implementation could be highly pro-worker in some countries while maintaining the status quo in others\u2014all within the same European Union. How it is implemented in Poland is entirely a political decision made by those in power.\r\n\r\nKEY ISSUES ADDRESSED IN THE DPP (analysis of its main premises)<\/strong>\r\n1. Employment status: The Directive introduces a presumption of an employment relationship. If the relationship between the platform and the worker exhibits elements of direction and control (e.g., the platform determines remuneration, supervises work, or influences task organization), the agreement between them is deemed to constitute an employment relationship. The DPP reverses the burden of proof\u2014it is the platform, not the worker, that must prove it is not an employer.\r\n2. Algorithmic Regulation: A defining feature of platform work is the use of an algorithm (a computer program) to manage work. Algorithms play a dominant role in platform operations; in some cases, the algorithm makes over 90% of decisions entirely on its own. The proposed Directive (DPP) requires platforms to disclose the content of their algorithms. Workers must be informed about how automated monitoring and decision-making systems operate (e.g., regarding task allocation, pay determination, or account suspension). Additionally, the DPP stipulates that key decisions must be made by humans. \r\n3. Personal Data Protection: Under the DPP, it will be more difficult for platforms to collect worker data due to the economic dependency involved. It prohibits the processing of certain particularly sensitive data (e.g., emotional state, private conversations, or worker location data outside of working hours). \r\n4. Strengthening the role of workers and public authorities in relations with platforms. The DPP allows for the imposition of reporting obligations on platforms regarding their activities to the relevant supervisory bodies. It also mandates that platforms facilitate free communication among the individuals working for them.\r\n\r\nGENERAL CRITICISM OF THE DIRECTIVE CONCEPT ITSELF<\/strong>\r\nregarding the points mentioned above.\r\nre 1.\r\nThe DPP grants governments significant leeway in interpreting its provisions. Each government will make a political decision regarding the definition of \"direction and control\" over the work and the worker. Some countries list specific criteria that, if met, classify an individual as an employee (e.g., setting working hours, performance evaluation, determining remuneration). Others will establish a different set of criteria. It is their political decision that will determine whether the criteria are easy or very difficult to meet. Our observations indicate that some countries leave even these issues for the courts to resolve. Others employ a mixed system: they set certain criteria, but leave detailed decisions to the courts. Consequently, such implementations will change nothing. A lawsuit filed against a platform by a worker who intended from the start to work for only a month or two will never happen. Furthermore, we believe that no worker earning less than the minimum wage would choose to launch a legal battle against a platform with billions in revenue. Obtaining support from trade unions is also unlikely. Currently, no trade union confederation has a section specializing in platform work, and the only group active in the Polish delivery sector\u2014the OPZZ Konfederacja Pracy branch at Pyszne.pl\u2014has effectively disintegrated.\r\n\r\nre 2.\r\nProponents of \"algorithmic transparency\" overestimate the importance of this aspect. It is widely believed that understanding the algorithm's operating mechanism allows one to avoid exploitation. In our view, this is a dangerous myth that distracts from the true essence of work: earnings. Here are a few of our arguments:\r\n- An algorithm is a massive, constantly evolving computer program. The DPP does not specify how or how often the algorithm's code should be disclosed. Should it be a printout? A spreadsheet? Raw code sent via email? These questions may seem trivial, but they are absolutely crucial, as the form of disclosure determines whether a reliable analysis is even possible. Merely organizing the provided data can consume vast resources.\r\n- As mentioned above, the algorithm is constantly being refined and altered\u2014changing from day to day, or even hour to hour. What is the point of knowing yesterday's code when today's is different?\r\n- Who is actually going to analyze the code? It requires a team of IT specialists. Are trade unions supposed to foot the bill? Especially unions that do not even exist in this sector?\r\n- And perhaps most importantly: if we do analyze the algorithm, what does the worker gain from it? For instance, suppose we reveal that the algorithm adds an extra 12% to a novice courier's pay to incentivize them. How does this knowledge change things for the workers? What are they supposed to do with it?\r\nThe DPP stipulates that \"key decisions must be made by a human.\" But which decisions should be considered key to daily work? This is crucial, as it is precisely what the platforms will undoubtedly use in the event of legal disputes. Another point: what does \"human intervention\" actually mean in practice? Is it enough for an algorithm to select a worker for dismissal and for a human simply to click \"approve\"? Or is the human required to thoroughly review the justification and hear out the arguments of the worker facing dismissal? Let us remember: the so-called \"support\" staff for delivery platforms are simply call-center workers subject to the same algorithmic pressure. They are never specialized personnel. So, will exploited platform workers be subject to review by stressed, overworked call-center staff?\r\n\r\nre 3.\r\nThe general concept of privacy protection is very sound. Platforms genuinely violate workers' privacy on a massive and continuous scale. These are not isolated incidents, as platform representatives claim; numerous analyses prove this. The apps used by platforms can even record workers' phone calls outside of working hours! There is also evidence that workers' movements are tracked even on days when they are not working. All this information can be used to further algorithmize earnings. However, as with the previous point: what is the use of enhanced personal data protection if there is no standard for how the collected data is shared? Some platforms provide it in the form of electronic spreadsheets, while others provide multi-page PDF scans. Without easy, standardized access to this data, we cannot even dream of critically analyzing it. Furthermore, one never knows... ...whether the material they are handing over is truly 100% of what they have collected.\r\n\r\nre 4.\r\nThis point seems like a very sound move. However, it won't change much. Employees are already creating communication channels of their own that employers know nothing about. Of course, the platforms themselves also create such channels (hand in hand with fleet partners), giving the impression that they facilitate open discussion. And the DPP will change that. But will it change workers' earnings?\r\n\r\nCRITIQUE OF THE POLISH IMPLEMENTATION OF THE DPP<\/strong>\r\nAccording to the draft bill presented by the government to introduce the directive into the Polish legal system, a so-called presumption of an employment relationship is to apply in situations where management\u2014or \"worker control\"\u2014is present. Unfortunately, however, there is no definition of what this actually means; the act does not specify it. Consequently, the courts will have to define it. And as we noted earlier, no delivery worker will realistically choose to initiate a lawsuit. In the case of migrants working for platforms, the prospect is entirely illusory; no one is going to wait years for a verdict over a claim involving 300 PLN plus social security contributions. Such a complex case would be deliberately dragged out indefinitely by the platforms. Furthermore, courts unfamiliar with the specific nature of platform work might rely on definitions of concepts that do not apply to this type of work, thereby ruling in favor of the platforms.\r\nUnder the draft bill, a decision by the National Labour Inspectorate (PIP) confirming the existence of an employment relationship takes effect only from the date the decision is issued. While the PIP is required to file a lawsuit to establish the employment relationship for the preceding period, this constitutes a separate legal proceeding\u2014meaning there are two proceedings in every instance. Additionally, this provision implies that the worker receives legal protection only from the moment the PIP decision is issued; without that decision, there is still no protection whatsoever. What happens if a worker requests a PIP decision and an inspection begins, but the worker is dismissed in the meantime? The bill stipulates that if a platform terminates the contract during the inspection, the date the inspection began is deemed the start date of the employment contract. However, practical experience shows that platform workers lead such unstable lives that they cannot afford to wait\u2014for instance\u2014three months for the National Labour Inspectorate (PIP) to issue a decision, followed by another three years for a court to uphold it. This is a complete legal fiction. We are convinced that this will become a dead letter\u2014a law that no one ever actually uses.\r\nThe bill still fails to address the issue of fleet partners (i.e., intermediaries). While the draft introduces joint and several liability for the platform and the partner, this applies only to the scope of the contract between them. This liability is waived if the fleet partner fails to notify the platform about the worker. Consequently, if the partner is a shell company (with no assets), the worker will essentially still have no way to enforce a claim, even after years of holding a court judgment in their favor. A separate and truly outrageous issue concerns the sanctions for platforms outlined in the bill. The maximum fine for a platform is PLN 60,000\u2014a truly symbolic amount for global corporations. Earlier in this analysis, we cited data on platform revenues; for Uber, a PLN 60,000 fine is equivalent to a one-grosz ticket for someone earning PLN 5,000 a month. Platforms will simply treat such low fines as a cost of doing business\u2014one that is easier to bear than changing their business model or hiring employees on standard employment contracts. To be effective, sanctions should be tied to a platform's revenue or scale of operations.\r\nA completely separate issue concerns workers performing tasks as sole traders. The draft bill excludes these individuals from the scope of certain provisions; for example, the right to an explanation of an algorithmic decision does not apply to those classified as \"business users.\" This means that workers operating as sole traders (JDG) will not gain the rights resulting from the Directive's implementation!\r\n\r\nTHE FUTURE POST-IMPLEMENTATION:<\/strong>\r\nIn 2026, the National Labour Inspectorate (PIP) is set to receive significant new powers. Consequently, PIP branches will likely be flooded with new cases. Furthermore, their mandate will expand further upon the Directive's implementation. We are likely facing an overload and potential collapse of the PIP. Should this occur, the state administration would once again be discredited. Additionally, as we noted in our report a year ago, the PIP lacks the substantive expertise required for the specific nature of the platform labor market. Perhaps the situation has changed since then; we certainly hope so.\r\n\r\nSUMMARY<\/strong>\r\nThe Directive and its implementation initially appeared to be a breakthrough in the fight against exploitation in this labor market sector. However, in its proposed form\u2014at both EU and national levels\u2014it risks becoming a dead letter. The fact that overburdened courts will decide workers' fates, that platforms will face only token penalties, and that the issue of \"fleet partners\" is completely ignored means the burden of fighting for absolutely basic labor rights continues to rest on the workers themselves.\r\nTo ensure the Directive\u2019s implementation in Poland is not merely a sham, truly bold changes are required: equipping the National Labour Inspectorate with real tools and immediately enforceable powers to issue decisions with retroactive effect, and linking penalty amounts to platform revenues. And, of course, extending protection to everyone who actually performs work\u2014including those in forced or voluntary self-employment.\r\n\r\nWHAT\u2019S NEXT? <\/strong>\r\nExperience teaches us that no provision in a directive or statute will work on its own unless there is real power backing the workers. The Platform Work Directive provides certain legal tools, but whether they are actually used depends on our stance. Neither platforms nor algorithms will voluntarily give up their profits. The coming months of implementing these regulations in Poland must be a time for building solidarity among delivery workers and ramping up pressure on those in power. After all, the government is once again simply leaving us to face labor exploitation on our own, pointing to court proceedings as the only solution.\r\n\r\n
\r\nAnd furthermore:\r\nTHERE ARE 2 MONTHS AND 18 DAYS LEFT TO IMPLEMENT THE PLATFORM WORK DIRECTIVE.","_en_post_name":"our-position-on-the-implementation-of-the-platform-work-directive","_en_post_excerpt":"","_en_post_title":"OUR POSITION ON THE IMPLEMENTATION OF THE PLATFORM WORK DIRECTIVE","_ru_post_content":"\u041c\u044b \u043f\u0440\u0435\u0434\u0441\u0442\u0430\u0432\u043b\u044f\u0435\u043c \u043f\u043e\u0437\u0438\u0446\u0438\u044e \u0433\u0440\u0443\u043f\u043f\u044b Zentrale \u043f\u043e \u043f\u043b\u0430\u043d\u0438\u0440\u0443\u0435\u043c\u043e\u043c\u0443 \u0432\u043d\u0435\u0434\u0440\u0435\u043d\u0438\u044e \u0414\u0438\u0440\u0435\u043a\u0442\u0438\u0432\u044b \u043e \u0440\u0430\u0431\u043e\u0442\u0435 \u043d\u0430 \u043f\u043b\u0430\u0442\u0444\u043e\u0440\u043c\u0430\u0445 \u0432 \u043f\u043e\u043b\u044c\u0441\u043a\u0443\u044e \u043f\u0440\u0430\u0432\u043e\u0432\u0443\u044e \u0441\u0438\u0441\u0442\u0435\u043c\u0443. \u041c\u0438\u043d\u0438\u0441\u0442\u0435\u0440\u0441\u0442\u0432\u043e \u0441\u0435\u043c\u044c\u0438, \u0442\u0440\u0443\u0434\u0430 \u0438 \u0441\u043e\u0446\u0438\u0430\u043b\u044c\u043d\u043e\u0439 \u043f\u043e\u043b\u0438\u0442\u0438\u043a\u0438 \u043e\u043f\u0443\u0431\u043b\u0438\u043a\u043e\u0432\u0430\u043b\u043e \u043f\u0440\u043e\u0435\u043a\u0442 \u00ab\u0417\u0430\u043a\u043e\u043d\u0430 \u043e \u0432\u044b\u043f\u043e\u043b\u043d\u0435\u043d\u0438\u0438 \u0440\u0430\u0431\u043e\u0442\u044b \u0447\u0435\u0440\u0435\u0437 \u0446\u0438\u0444\u0440\u043e\u0432\u044b\u0435 \u043f\u043b\u0430\u0442\u0444\u043e\u0440\u043c\u044b \u0437\u0430\u043d\u044f\u0442\u043e\u0441\u0442\u0438\u00bb, \u043a\u043e\u0442\u043e\u0440\u044b\u0439 \u043f\u0440\u0438\u0437\u0432\u0430\u043d \u0441\u0442\u0430\u0442\u044c \u043e\u0441\u043d\u043e\u0432\u043d\u044b\u043c \u044d\u043b\u0435\u043c\u0435\u043d\u0442\u043e\u043c \u044d\u0442\u043e\u0439 \u0440\u0435\u0430\u043b\u0438\u0437\u0430\u0446\u0438\u0438. \u041c\u044b \u043d\u0435 \u044f\u0432\u043b\u044f\u0435\u043c\u0441\u044f \u044d\u043a\u0441\u043f\u0435\u0440\u0442\u0430\u043c\u0438 \u0432 \u043e\u0431\u043b\u0430\u0441\u0442\u0438 \u0442\u0440\u0443\u0434\u043e\u0432\u043e\u0433\u043e \u043f\u0440\u0430\u0432\u0430, \u043f\u043e\u044d\u0442\u043e\u043c\u0443 \u043d\u0430\u0448\u0430 \u043f\u043e\u0437\u0438\u0446\u0438\u044f \u043c\u043e\u0436\u0435\u0442 \u0438\u043c\u0435\u0442\u044c \u043d\u0435\u0434\u043e\u0441\u0442\u0430\u0442\u043a\u0438. \u041c\u044b \u0442\u0430\u043a\u0436\u0435 \u043f\u043e\u043d\u0438\u043c\u0430\u0435\u043c, \u0447\u0442\u043e \u044d\u0442\u043e \u0432\u0441\u0435\u0433\u043e \u043b\u0438\u0448\u044c \u043f\u0440\u043e\u0435\u043a\u0442, \u043a\u043e\u0442\u043e\u0440\u044b\u0439 \u043c\u043e\u0436\u0435\u0442 \u0431\u044b\u0442\u044c \u043f\u043e\u043b\u043d\u043e\u0441\u0442\u044c\u044e \u0438\u0437\u043c\u0435\u043d\u0435\u043d \u0432 \u0445\u043e\u0434\u0435 \u043f\u0430\u0440\u043b\u0430\u043c\u0435\u043d\u0442\u0441\u043a\u0438\u0445 \u0434\u0435\u0431\u0430\u0442\u043e\u0432. \u0418 \u0432 \u043a\u043e\u043d\u0435\u0447\u043d\u043e\u043c \u0438\u0442\u043e\u0433\u0435 \u043e\u043d \u043c\u043e\u0436\u0435\u0442 \u0431\u044b\u0442\u044c \u043f\u0440\u043e\u0441\u0442\u043e \u043e\u0442\u043a\u043b\u043e\u043d\u0435\u043d \u043f\u0440\u0435\u0437\u0438\u0434\u0435\u043d\u0442\u043e\u043c.\r\n\r\n\u041c\u044b \u0441\u0447\u0438\u0442\u0430\u0435\u043c, \u0447\u0442\u043e \u043c\u0430\u0441\u0448\u0442\u0430\u0431\u044b \u044d\u043a\u0441\u043f\u043b\u0443\u0430\u0442\u0430\u0446\u0438\u0438 \u043d\u0430 \u043f\u043b\u0430\u0442\u0444\u043e\u0440\u043c\u0430\u0445 \u043e\u0433\u0440\u043e\u043c\u043d\u044b \u0438 \u0448\u0438\u0440\u043e\u043a\u043e \u0440\u0430\u0441\u043f\u0440\u043e\u0441\u0442\u0440\u0430\u043d\u0435\u043d\u044b. \u041d\u0430\u0441\u0442\u0430\u043b\u043e \u0432\u0440\u0435\u043c\u044f \u043f\u0440\u0430\u0432\u0438\u0442\u0435\u043b\u044c\u0441\u0442\u0432\u0443 \u043d\u0430\u043a\u043e\u043d\u0435\u0446-\u0442\u043e \u0447\u0442\u043e-\u0442\u043e \u0441 \u044d\u0442\u0438\u043c \u0441\u0434\u0435\u043b\u0430\u0442\u044c.\r\n\r\n#zentrale_dyrektywa\r\n\r\n
\r\n\u0414\u0438\u0440\u0435\u043a\u0442\u0438\u0432\u0430 \u043e \u0442\u0440\u0443\u0434\u0435 \u043d\u0430 \u043f\u043b\u0430\u0442\u0444\u043e\u0440\u043c\u0430\u0445 (\u0414\u0412\u041f).\r\n\r\n\u041e\u0411\u0429\u0410\u042f \u0418\u041d\u0424\u041e\u0420\u041c\u0410\u0426\u0418\u042f \u041e \u0414\u0418\u0420\u0415\u041a\u0422\u0418\u0412\u0415:<\/strong>\r\n\u041c\u044b \u043d\u0430\u0437\u044b\u0432\u0430\u0435\u043c \u0440\u0430\u0441\u0441\u043c\u0430\u0442\u0440\u0438\u0432\u0430\u0435\u043c\u044b\u0439 \u0437\u0434\u0435\u0441\u044c \u043f\u0440\u0430\u0432\u043e\u0432\u043e\u0439 \u0430\u043a\u0442 \u0414\u0438\u0440\u0435\u043a\u0442\u0438\u0432\u043e\u0439 \u043e \u0442\u0440\u0443\u0434\u0435 \u043d\u0430 \u043f\u043b\u0430\u0442\u0444\u043e\u0440\u043c\u0430\u0445, \u043d\u043e \u0435\u0435 \u043f\u0440\u0430\u0432\u0438\u043b\u044c\u043d\u043e\u0435 \u043d\u0430\u0437\u0432\u0430\u043d\u0438\u0435 \u2014 \u0414\u0438\u0440\u0435\u043a\u0442\u0438\u0432\u0430 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\u0420\u042b\u041d\u041a\u0410 \u041f\u041b\u0410\u0422\u0424\u041e\u0420\u041c\r\n(\u0422\u041e\u041b\u042c\u041a\u041e \u041d\u0410 \u041f\u0420\u0418\u041c\u0415\u0420\u0415 \u041f\u041b\u0410\u0422\u0424\u041e\u0420\u041c \u0414\u041e\u0421\u0422\u0410\u0412\u041a\u0418)<\/strong>\r\nUBER \u2013 \u0432\u044b\u0440\u0443\u0447\u043a\u0430 \u0432 2025 \u0433\u043e\u0434\u0443 \u0441\u043e\u0441\u0442\u0430\u0432\u043b\u044f\u0435\u0442 \u043f\u0440\u0438\u0431\u043b\u0438\u0437\u0438\u0442\u0435\u043b\u044c\u043d\u043e 205 \u043c\u043b\u0440\u0434 \u0437\u043b\u043e\u0442\u044b\u0445 \u2013 \u0447\u0442\u043e \u044d\u043a\u0432\u0438\u0432\u0430\u043b\u0435\u043d\u0442\u043d\u043e \u0433\u043e\u0434\u043e\u0432\u043e\u043c\u0443 \u0432\u043e\u0435\u043d\u043d\u043e\u043c\u0443 \u0431\u044e\u0434\u0436\u0435\u0442\u0443 \u041f\u043e\u043b\u044c\u0448\u0438 (200 \u043c\u043b\u0440\u0434 \u0437\u043b\u043e\u0442\u044b\u0445).\r\nDelivery Hero (Glovo) \u2013 63 \u043c\u043b\u0440\u0434 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\u0441\u043e\u043e\u0442\u0432\u0435\u0442\u0441\u0442\u0432\u0443\u044e\u0449\u0438\u0445 \u0441\u0442\u0440\u0430\u043d (\u043f\u043e\u0434\u0440\u043e\u0431\u043d\u0435\u0435 \u043e\u0431 \u044d\u0442\u043e\u043c \u043c\u044b \u043f\u0438\u0448\u0435\u043c \u0432 \u0434\u0440\u0443\u0433\u0438\u0445 \u043d\u0430\u0448\u0438\u0445 \u043f\u0443\u0431\u043b\u0438\u043a\u0430\u0446\u0438\u044f\u0445).\r\n\r\n\u0412\u041e\u0417\u041c\u041e\u0416\u041d\u042b\u0415 \u0421\u0426\u0415\u041d\u0410\u0420\u0418\u0418 \u0412\u041d\u0415\u0414\u0420\u0415\u041d\u0418\u042f \u0414\u041e\u041f<\/strong>\r\n\u0421\u043e\u0434\u0435\u0440\u0436\u0430\u043d\u0438\u0435 \u0414\u041e\u041f \u043d\u0430\u0441\u0442\u043e\u043b\u044c\u043a\u043e \u043e\u0431\u0449\u0435\u0435, \u0447\u0442\u043e \u0434\u043e\u043f\u0443\u0441\u043a\u0430\u0435\u0442 \u0437\u043d\u0430\u0447\u0438\u0442\u0435\u043b\u044c\u043d\u0443\u044e \u0441\u0432\u043e\u0431\u043e\u0434\u0443 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